By Mack P. Holt
Conventional historiography has continuously seen Calvin's Geneva because the benchmark opposed to which all different Reformed groups needs to necessarily be measured, judging these groups who didn't stick to Geneva's institutional and doctrinal instance as someway inferior and incomplete models of the unique. "Adaptations of Calvinism in Reformation Europe" builds upon fresh scholarship that demanding situations this idea of the 'fragmentation' of Calvinism, and as a substitute bargains a extra optimistic view of Reformed groups past Geneva.The essays during this quantity spotlight different paths that Calvinism because it took root in Western Europe and which allowed it to increase inside fifty years into the dominant Protestant confession. every one bankruptcy reinforces the concept that when many reformers did try and replica the type of neighborhood that Calvin had verified, such a lot needed to compromise via adapting to the actual political and cultural landscapes within which they lived. the end result used to be a state of affairs within which Reformed church buildings throughout Europe differed markedly from Calvin's Geneva in specific methods. Summarizing contemporary study within the box via chosen French, German, English and Scottish case reports, this assortment provides to the rising photograph of a versatile Calvinism that can adapt to fulfill particular neighborhood stipulations and desires so one can let the Reformed culture to thrive and prosper.The quantity is devoted to Brian G. Armstrong, whose personal scholarship confirmed how some distance Calvinism in seventeenth-century France had turn into dived through major disagreements over how Calvin's unique rules and doctrines have been to be understood.
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Additional resources for Adaptations of Calvinism in Reformation Europe (St Andrews Studies in Reformation History)
4:17:7 (1539). Short Treatise §10 (LCC 22:145; cf. SWJC 2:169; CO 5:437; OS 1:507). Short Treatise §11 (LCC 22:146; cf. ; OS 1:507). These are helpfully expounded in Rorem, “Calvin and Bullinger,” 357–65. CO 12:726–31; SWJC 5:168–73. 78 In the thirteenth of his propositiones Calvin stated that in the Supper we eat and drink the body and blood of Christ. Bullinger objected that the faithful do this always and everywhere. They do so in the Supper by the same faith that unites them to Christ, not as if they did not previously enjoy communion with Christ.
P. Stephens, The Theology of Huldrych Zwingli (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986) ch. W. ), Zwingli and Bullinger (Library of Christian Classics vol. 24) (London: SCM and Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1953) [hereafter LCC 24] 185–238, 245–79). 6 Inst. 4:17:5. T. L. ), Calvin: Institutes of the Christian Religion (Library of Christian Classics vols 20–21) (London: SCM and Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1960). ) Calvin already opposed these two positions in the 1536 Institutio. WAS CALVIN A CRYPTO-ZWINGLIAN?
Geneva: Droz, 1997) 217; CO 47:155. Shortly before (on 6:53, p. 169. Cf. ), 217; CO 47:154) he states that John 6 refers not to the Lord’s Supper but to “the continual communication which we have apart from the reception of the Lord’s Supper”. WAS CALVIN A CRYPTO-ZWINGLIAN? 35 The sacrament does not cause Christ to begin to be the bread of life; but when it reminds us that he was made the bread of life, which we continually eat, and which gives us a relish and savor of that bread, it causes us to feel the power of that bread.