By Anthony Ashbolt
The San Francisco Bay quarter used to be a gathering element for radical politics and counterculture within the Nineteen Sixties. previously there was little figuring out of what made political tradition the following specific. This paintings explores the improvement of a neighborhood tradition of radicalism within the Bay sector, person who underpinned either political protest and the counterculture.
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Additional info for A Cultural History of the Radical Sixties in the San Francisco Bay Area
Horowitz has, in fact, acknowledged that ‘This New Left of which I was one of the founders was … embarrassed by the tarnish the Soviet totalitarians had brought to the socialist cause. ’58 Horowitz forgets faster than most. Moreover, he constantly stressed ‘authentic’ American ideals and aspirations against those that were held aloft by US policymakers. Indeed, he never abandoned his faith in the essential virtues of American democracy. S. 63 Still, there is a profound Americanism at work, a faith in the ultimate salvation of humankind through the goals and beliefs that inspired the foundation of American nationhood.
And to think that Sixties radicals furnished it with new styles and slogans, spectacularizing the very spectacle they sought to overthrow. Sanbonmatsu recognizes that this is only one side of the story (and, in actuality, it is much less than that). 42 It did this and simultaneously ushered in a new stage of hypercapitalism? Not quite. While Sanbonmatsu can point to links, they are neither direct nor causative but rather indicative of consumerism’s power to incorporate almost anything. Marketers can subvert ideas or slogans, turning them into advertisements for all sorts of products, but this does not mean they lacked political potency to begin with.
94 The international dimension of Sixties radicalism was important, indeed vital. So, too, was local identity and sectarian fissiparousness. There is a marvellous family tree of Marxist–Leninist organizations in America which reveals a plenitude of different groups, reproducing themselves almost at will, squabbling about the correct line on everything. So when Katsiaficas, writing of the prospects for revolution in the United States stipulates ‘It would be a working-class feminist revolution against racial domination or nothing at all’,95 the latter alternative seems more likely.